An unprecedented trial for the country is unfolding in Georgia. The Constitutional Court (CC) has begun considering the lawsuit of 88 MPs from the ruling party “Georgian Dream” to ban five opposition associations. On the “to be eliminated” list are Mikheil Saakashvili’s “United National Movement,” the “Coalition for Change,” “Strong Georgia – Lelo,” the “Federalists,” and the party of former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia “For Georgia.” The hearings began on October 21, and six days later they continued.
Sergei Markedonov, Head of the Research Program “New Role of Post-Soviet States” at the Institute of International Studies, MGIMO University of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs:
Formally, the lawsuit is based on Article 23 of the Constitution, which prohibits parties whose activity is aimed at violently changing the state system, undermining the independence and territorial integrity of the country. The authorities accuse the opposition of attempts to destabilize, non-recognition of election results and a desire for unconstitutional change of power. An additional basis is the conclusions of the parliamentary commission on human rights violations during the rule of former President Saakashvili in 2004–2012.
However, the political meaning of the initiative goes beyond “pure jurisprudence.” After the 2024 parliamentary elections, mass protests and the freezing of negotiations on EU accession, the confrontation between the authorities and the opposition has turned into a struggle for legitimacy. “Georgian Dream” views the actions of its opponents not simply as a challenge to its political dominance, but as an existential threat to the state. The opposition, in turn, claims that the authorities are seeking to eliminate competitors ahead of the upcoming 2028 parliamentary elections.
It is noteworthy that the ban may affect not only Saakashvili’s political heirs, but also the party of Gakharia, who previously held the posts of Interior Minister and Prime Minister under “Georgian Dream.” This shows that the line of conflict now runs not so much between ideologies as between recognition and non-recognition of the current authorities.
A possible ban will significantly change the political system. In the 2024 elections, the four associations affected by the lawsuit received about 38% of the vote. Their elimination will limit the representation of opposition-minded voters, strengthen extra-parliamentary forms of protest and create additional obstacles for Tbilisi’s relations with the European Union. In Brussels, the process is already perceived in the context of the “anti-democratic turn” of the Georgian government. And, of course, almost the leadership of this movement is attributed to the Kremlin.
At the same time, the judicial outcome is not yet predetermined. The authorities will have to prove not simply the radicalism of opposition rhetoric, but the existence of constitutional grounds for a ban. The CC’s decision will be final within the country. The main question is where the boundary lies between protecting the constitutional order and restricting political competition. It is on the answer to this question that not only the fate of five parties depends, but also the further character of Georgian statehood.
